[ppi] [ppiindia] Papua crucial to Indonesia
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- Date: Tue, 28 Mar 2006 04:21:43 +0200
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http://www.theaustralian.news.com.au/common/story_page/0,5744,18623353%5E7583,00.html
Richard Chauvel: Papua crucial to Indonesia
Why Jakarta is so sensitive about independence movements
March 28, 2006
INDONESIA'S extreme sensitivity and depth of feeling about Papua is reflected
in its decision to recall its ambassador.
Papua's economic importance to Indonesia is symbolised by the controversial
Freeport gold and copper mine, which is Indonesia's largest corporate taxpayer,
worth $US1.2 billion ($1.7 billion) last year.
Indonesian president Sukarno's statement in 1963 that his country was not
complete without Papua conveys something of Papua's importance in Indonesian
nationalist thinking. Sukarno successfully used the incorporation of Papua as a
focus in the struggle for national unity. It remains thus.
There are no significant (non-Papuan) Indonesian leaders or parties that
support Papuan independence and there are many who have grave reservations
about any form of autonomy.
The Indonesian parliamentarians' protests and criticism of the granting of
visas for 42 Papuans have come from across the political spectrum, not just
from the outspoken nationalists.
One of the reasons for Indonesia's sensitivity about Papua is the confusion
surrounding Jakarta's policies in Papua. President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono has
made numerous statements about his Government's commitment to find a political
solution to the Papua conflict on the basis of the 2001 special autonomy law.
The successful negotiations about Aceh have given the commitment to resolve
Papua credibility and momentum.
He received strong support in Papua in the 2004 elections. His election
generated considerable optimism among Papuans.
However, Yudhoyono has done little to clarify the confusion, contradictions and
divisiveness in the Papua policy he inherited from Megawati Sukarnoputri.
Is his Government committed to the implementation of special autonomy or will
it continue Megawati's policy to create two or more provinces in Papua?
Megawati's decision to partition Papua was motivated by a fear that if the
special autonomy law was implemented, it would empower a Papuan elite in
Jayapura that would use it as a basis for a further step towards independence.
The Yudhoyono Government's policy decisions of the past couple of months have
made a political resolution more difficult. The decision to hold elections for
governor in the newly created province of West Papua indicates that the
Government is determined to pursue the partition of Papua.
This decision undermines and marginalises the Papuan People's Assembly, the
institutional centrepiece of special autonomy, which the Government established
as the representative forum for Papuans. The decision disregarded the
assembly's recommendation in March this year that the election for governor not
proceed as the assembly had found there was little Papuan support for the new
province. The assembly appealed to the Government for a comprehensive and open
dialogue to resolve Papua's problems. Senior government officials from Jakarta,
including the Security Minister Widodo, who visited Jayapura the day after the
Abepura riots (March15-16), refused to hold substantive discussions with
members of the provincial parliament and Papuan religious leaders.
This supports the argument in last week's briefing update from the
International Crisis Group that the Government is shutting down dialogue with
Papuans.
Relations between the Papuan elite and the Jakarta Government have never been
easy, but Papuan trust in Jakarta is at a low point. The brutal killing of five
members of the security forces in the Abepura riots reflects something of the
depth of feeling among Papuans, their desperation and the degree of alienation
from Indonesia.
Canberra's decision to grant Papuan asylum-seekers visas has exacerbated the
Indonesian Government's anxieties about Papua and heightened suspicions about
Australian interests and intentions. Jakarta's statement notes that: "The
[visa] decision justifies speculations that there are elements in Australia
that support separatist movement in Papua and in this regard the Government of
Australia has not done anything to them."
The head of the National Intelligence Agency, Syamsir Siregar, alleged that
non-governmental organisations involved in the riots in Abepura earlier this
month had links in Australia.
It is not only the alleged activities of Australian NGOs that are suspected by
Indonesian officials. The head of the armed forces, Djoko Suyanto, suggested
that the asylum-seekers could not have reached Australia without the assistance
of Australian patrols and that asylum-seekers from the Middle East are treated
differently.
These Indonesian suspicions relate directly to Australia's role in the 1999
international intervention in East Timor. Many Indonesians, inside and outside
the Government and the military, believe, mistakenly, that an independent East
Timor was the preferred strategic outcome for Australia. They suspect that
Australia has the same objective with respect to Papua. Frequent and definitive
Australian government statements of support for Indonesian sovereignty in Papua
evoke the Indonesian response: "That's what you said about East Timor."
Australia has a vital interest in Indonesia peacefully resolving the conflict
in Papua. Indonesians and Papuans need international support to help reduce
Indonesia's dependence on violence in its governance in Papua and to
accommodate Papuans, their interests and values in the government of the
province. The agreement on Aceh is a model of what is politically possible.
Richard Chauvel, a senior lecturer at the school of social sciences at Victoria
University, is author of Constructing Papuan Nationalism: History, Ethnicity
and Adaptation.
www.eastwestcenterwashington.org
[Non-text portions of this message have been removed]
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