[ppi] [ppiindia] Freeport's Hard Look At Itself
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**http://www.businessweek.com/magazine/content/05_43/b3956122.htm
OCTOBER 24, 2005 .
SOCIAL ISSUES
Freeport's Hard Look At Itself
The mining giant's gutsy human-rights audit may set a standard for
multinationals
Freeport-McMoran Copper & Gold Inc. (FCX ) has long been tagged as a
human-rights pariah for its close relationship with the repressive Indonesian
military. In the mid-1990s, for example, it was linked to horrific acts
allegedly committed by the Suharto dictatorship against rebels unhappy about
expansion of the company's gold and copper mines on the Indonesian island of
Papua. Allegations against the troops included all manner of atrocities,
including torturing and murdering protesters, as part of what some critics
called a genocidal war against separatists in what was then known as Irian
Jaya. Activists accused Freeport of complicity, charging that the New Orleans
company's security personnel routinely provided transportation for the
Indonesian military.
Freeport has always denied knowledge of abuses, but it has nonetheless engaged
in a gutsy human rights review that could become a model for all Western
multinationals. In 2003 the company quietly asked an outside nonprofit to
conduct an independent audit of its vast Papuan mining complex. A report of the
International Center for Corporate Accountability Inc. (ICCA), which examined
the 18,000-worker operation, is set to be released on Oct. 17. (The full
133-page audit and Freeport's response, both of which BusinessWeek obtained
from the ICCA, will be posted on www.icca-corporateaccountability.org.)
Two years in the making, the report details a raft of problems. Although the
egregious military abuses have stopped, the ICCA found lingering issues, from
violations of Indonesian laws governing its contract workers to rampant
mismanagement of a much-praised fund Freeport started to help local Papuan
tribes. Some of the findings even stunned Freeport management. For instance,
top execs had no idea that its 700-person in-house security force continues to
drive Indonesian military around -- a practice management thought it had
stopped after the mid-1990s' outcry, say ICCA officials. The ICCA didn't look
into long-standing environmental abuses charges against Freeport.
In a formal reply to the audit, Freeport acknowledged the problems and vowed to
address them. "We haven't accepted all the recommendations because some aren't
culturally the right way to go about it, but the findings are right," says Stan
Batey, Freeport's senior adviser on community relations.
The company's willingness to open up so wide is a major development in the
corporate responsibility movement. Certainly, no other global mining or oil
company has come close to such transparency, long a key demand by human-rights
groups. A few consumer products companies -- such as Nike (NKE ), Liz Claiborne
(LIZ ), and Toys 'R' Us -- invite independent scrutiny of their overseas labor
practices, mostly through joint industry-nonprofit groups set up for the
purpose. But the Freeport audit surpasses these efforts.
Most companies are closed books when it comes to independent scrutiny. A
majority of U.S. multinationals have codes of conduct that promise good
behavior in these fields, but there's rarely a way of checking up. Freeport's
example could set a new standard. "Having third-party accountability like
Freeport's is critical to corporate credibility," says Arvind Ganesan, director
for business and human rights at Human Rights Watch. His group, which wasn't
involved in the audit, has criticized Freeport over the years.
INSTANT UPHEAVAL
Freeport's audit by the ICCA, based at the City University of New York (CUNY),
shows how companies that are willing can open up even in the most challenging
environments. The sprawling complex in Western Papua includes the world's
largest gold mine and the third-largest copper mine. It sits atop a 14,000-foot
mountain that gets 300 inches of rain a year. When the mine opened in 1967,
there were no roads and fewer than 1,000 people in the area, mostly tribes
recently exposed to industrialization. The mine drew in 120,000 people, some
from other parts of Papua, others Javanese, brought in by Suharto -- a move
Papuans saw as Jakarta's attempt to conquer the former colony. All this thrust
the area into modernity overnight. It also caused friction with seven local
tribes, and tensions boiled over in the mid-'90s, leading to all the charges.
Freeport responded by vowing in 1996 to quadruple Papuan employment at the mine
over a decade. And it set up the Partnership Fund for Community Development,
which gives 1% of mine revenues to locals. It will pump in about $25 million
this year, bringing the total to $132 million. Freeport later laid out social-
and human-rights policies and, in 2003, produced detailed standards.
That's when it brought in the ICCA. It was a surprising conversion for a
company headed for years by combative CEO James R. Moffett, who relinquished
the title last year but remains as chairman. The ICCA got involved at the
urging of Gabrielle K. McDonald, a Freeport director who had served as a judge
at the International Criminal Tribunal in The Hague, and of David Lowry, a
priest who was Freeport's vice-president for social and community relations
until he retired in 2004. Lowry says he started with managers at the mine
before asking top execs and the board to go along. "We wanted an outside audit
not to please an external audience but to figure out how well we were doing on
our commitments," says Lowry.
The ICCA's answer: Performance was good in many respects but deficient in
others. The auditors laud Freeport's human-rights training program, given last
year to 30% of employees. But interviews showed that 60% of those trained
couldn't answer basic questions about the policy. Neither could 60% of security
personnel, even though 90% of them had taken human-rights training three times
as long as the four hours other employees got.
It was the employee interviews that brought to light the ongoing link to the
military. The ICCA demanded to know why 29% of the 60 security personnel chosen
were unavailable. Eventually, it learned they were driving for the military,
says ICCA founder S. Prakash Sethi, a management professor at the Zicklin
School of Business at CUNY's Baruch College. "This was against Freeport's
policy and shocked all of us," says Sethi.
Even though the ICCA dug in deep, it still has plenty of work to do. The audit
covers about 9,000 employees of Freeport and direct subcontractors. The next
stage will cover another 9,000 at secondary suppliers. The ICCA also will
monitor Freeport's follow-up plans.
Critics like Human Rights Watch's Ganesan still insist Freeport could have
fixed much of what the ICCA found on its own. Even so, Freeport's willingness
to be exposed puts it in a class by itself. Other companies facing similar
abuse accusations now may need to follow its example -- or explain why they
can't while Freeport can.
READER COMMENTS
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Nickname: karmhs
Review: It sounds like a good start.
Date reviewed: Oct 17, 2005 4:41 PM
Nickname: bemused
Review: As someone who has been to the mine & arrested for just talking about
the mine, I welcome any honest scrutiny. But when will FCX realise corporate,
environmental and social responsibility is a moot concept when it mines entire
mountains, fills rivers and forests with toxic waste, introduces HIV through
using TNI supplied prostitutes, & gives its TNI cronies millions of dollars to
perpetuate oppression of Papuans? Right now in Tembagapura the TNI are shooting
villagers, burning down villages conveniently in the world heritage areas that
PTFI want to explore. FCX has had it too easy too long, & has an unfair and
anti-competitive advantage to other producers by not having to follow any human
rights, labour, or environmental protection laws, & can just make pure profit.
As long as the Indon military is involved, & Freeport perpetuates an illegal
invasion, FCX will continue to have the blood of 400,000 Papuans & many
Indonesian workers on its hands. Merdeka!!
Date reviewed: Oct 17, 2005 9:34 AM
The views and opinions expressed in these comments do not necessarily reflect
the views or opinions of BusinessWeek or the McGraw-Hill Companies.
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