[lit-ideas] Vocative Particles in Natural Conversation
- From: Jlsperanza@xxxxxxx
- To: lit-ideas@xxxxxxxxxxxxx
- Date: Sun, 30 Jan 2005 12:55:19 EST
Vocatives, Interjections, and the Origin of Language
From
_http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Origin_of_language_
(http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Origin_of_language)
below. It may relate to the idea that 'interjections' and 'vocatives' are
basic in the development of elaborated speech.
Note that some of the explanation involves the idea of a 'vocalism', which
relates, etymologically, and vaguely, to the idea of 'vocative'.
In "conversation analysis", the expression 'summons' is I think use for what
traditional grammar has as 'vocative':
A: Michael!
B: Yes?
A: There's a snake on your shoulder.
B: Ah, thanks.
The idea is that one has to waste a 'conversational move' to catch the
addressee's attention. This can be done _within the same_ *turn*, but it would
still be two different 'moves':
A: Michael: There's a snake on your shoulder.
B: Ah, thanks.
In the case of "O, Mirembe", it's not clear to me what the use of "O" is. If
it's the apostrophical poetical function, it cannot be the _vocative_
function carried by the use of the proper name itself. On the other hand, to
use
just "O", and do without the "Mirembe" seems otiose and hardly efficient.
Cheers,
JL
------
The "ding-dong" hypothesis
This hypothesis places the origin of human language in onomatopoeia: the
various imitative sounds that humans make to mimic the sounds of the world
around them. So boom becomes a word for thunder, and oink for a pig.There are
several reasons why this hypothesis has not met with universal acceptance. Of
course, many languages contain just such words; in English, birds tweet; in
Basque a knife is an ai-ai, an "ouch-ouch." It is unclear how this process
could
supply words for silent objects like rocks; much less prepositions and other g
rammatical particles or abstract concepts. Words marked by onomatopoeia are
conspicuous and somewhat unusual in most languages. The "ding-dong"
hypothesis is therefore not considered as a total explanation for the origin
of
language.
The "bow-wow" hypothesis. Similar to the "ding-dong" hypothesis, this one has
humans forming their first words by imitating animal sounds. Not only do all
of the objections involving other sorts of onomatopoeia explanations apply
here, it is worthy to note that the names of animal sounds are strongly
culturally determined and differ remarkably from one culture to the next, as
the
article on oink sets forth. It seems difficult to accept that humans learned
to
speak to one another by talking to the animals.
The "pooh-pooh" hypothesis. According to this hypothesis, the first words
developed from sighs of pleasure, moans of pain, and other semi-involuntary
cries or exclamations. These vocalisms then became the names of the phenomena
that made people say them. Most of the objections to the "ding-dong" hypothesis
apply here also. Such words are found in most languages; they are conspicuous
by their preverbal nature and incomplete assimilation into the lexicon.
Moreover, they are culturally determined, and themselves show a great deal of
arbitrariness.
The "ta-ta" hypothesis Charles Darwin lent his authority to this hypothesis.
According to this, human language represents the use of oral gestures that
began in imitation of hand gestures that were already in use for
communication.
Vilayanur S. Ramachandran's research into synesthesia and sound symbolism
would seem to support this hypothesis. The difficulty with this hypothesis, is
that it begs the question: it requires that a fairly sophisticated repertoire
of gestures be in place already for humans to imitate with their mouth
gestures. It assumes the existence of a language of gestures without
explaining
how it arose (however, see Nicaraguan Sign Language). At any rate, though sign
languages do have somewhat imitative (or iconic) gestures, they also contain
quite arbitrary symbols and have vastly different meanings in different human
cultures.
The "uh-oh" hypothesis. According to this hypothesis, human language begins
with the use of arbitrary symbols that represent warnings to other members of
the human band. It is agreed that one sort of vocal cry means that lions have
been spotted in the area, and another one indicates a snake. You holler one
thing at your neighbour to warn them, "Don't eat that! It'll make you sick!"
and something distinguishable to warn them "Don't eat that! It's mine!" This
hypothesis seems to have the potential to explain the perceived diversity of
human speech; obviously the warning cries uttered here are to some measure
arbitrary. It is less certain that this hypothesis could explain how more
abstract features of human language developed.
The "yo-he-ho" hypothesis. According to this hypothesis, language arose in
rhythmic chants and vocalisms uttered by people engaged in communal labour.
This may have more to do with the origins of poetry than with language itself.
Sea chanteys, jody calls, and similar work songs all show humans engaged in
communal work improvising with their language around the rhythms of their
work.
It is uncertain from this hypothesis how meanings came to be associated with
the vocalisms uttered by the workers.
------------------------------------------------------------------
To change your Lit-Ideas settings (subscribe/unsub, vacation on/off,
digest on/off), visit www.andreas.com/faq-lit-ideas.html
Other related posts:
- » [lit-ideas] Vocative Particles in Natural Conversation