[lit-ideas] Heidegger's Spenglerism

  • From: "Lawrence Helm" <lawrencehelm@xxxxxxxxxxxxxx>
  • To: "lawrenchelm1. post@blogger. com" <lawrencehelm1.post@xxxxxxxxxxx>
  • Date: Thu, 19 Nov 2009 21:29:06 -0800

enowning <http://www.blogger.com/profile/12287486840371546648>  left the 
following comment in regard to the post "Heidegger influenced by Spengler 
<http://www.lawrencehelm.com/2009/11/heidegger-influenced-by-spengler.html> ": 

Heidegger references Spengler in dozens of places. He was probably the most 
popular German intellectual in the 20s. 

RESPONSE:

Indeed, and one can’t help but wonder why Emmanuel Faye chooses to ignore that 
fact.  I am off to a rocky start in reading Faye’s book.  Faye is calling 
Heidegger a Nazi in the years before Hitler created the Nazi party.  He doesn’t 
see Heidegger embracing the sort of “National Socialism” (even if it can be 
called that) in the early 20s.  For Faye there is only one political enterprise 
that Heidegger embraced and it is the Nazism of Hitler.   Nuance of politics 
doesn’t seem to be one of Faye’s concerns.

Bearing in mind that The Decline of the West was first published in 1920 and 
was therefore being written by Spengler as World War One was concluded and in 
its immediate aftermath, consider the conclusion to his 19th chapter, where he 
discusses how Liberal Democracy must of necessity fail and be replaced by a 
Caesar-like ruler:

“Through money, democracy becomes its own destroyer, after money has destroyed 
intellect.  But . . . men have learned that in the realm of reality one 
power-will can be overthrown only by another . . . there wakes at last a deep 
yearning for all old and worthy traditions that still lingers alive.  Men . . . 
hope for salvation from somewhere or other, for some true ideal of honour and 
chivalry, of inward nobility, of unselfishness and duty.  And now dawns the 
time when the form-filled powers of blood . . . reawaken in the depths.  
Everything in the order of dynastic tradition and old nobility that has saved 
itself up for the future, everything that there is of high money-disdaining 
ethic, everything that is intrinsically sound enough to be, in Frederick the 
Great’s words, the servant – the hard-working, self-sacrificing, caring servant 
– of the State – all this becomes suddenly the focus of immense life forces.  
Caesarism grows on the soil of Democracy, but its roots thread deeply into the 
underground of blood tradition.  The Classical Caesar derived his power from 
the Tribunate, and his dignity and therewith his permanency from his being the 
princeps.  Here too the soul of old Gothic wakens anew.  The spirit of the 
knightly orders overpowers plunderous Vikingism.  The mighty ones of the future 
may possess the earth as their private property – for the great political form 
of the Culture is irremediably in ruin – but it matters not, for, formless and 
limitless as their power may be, it has a task.  And this task is the 
unwearying care for this world as it is, which is the very opposite of the 
interestedness of the money-power age, and demands high honour and 
conscientiousness.  But for this very reason there now sets in the final battle 
between Democracy and Caesarism, between the leading forces of dictatorial 
money-economics and the purely political will-to-order of the Caesars.”

Is it more reasonable  to imagine that Heidegger was influenced by Spenglerian 
diatribes such as this one, or that he had launched himself and his philosophy, 
solely from his on mind, on the path that led to Adolf Hitler and his holocaust?

This isn’t to say there was nothing wrong in Heidegger accepting Spengler’s 
political philosophy, but it is to say that Faye (at least as far as I’ve read) 
has gotten has glossed over way too much history.  He forces us to take our 
attention from the real problem (Spengler and the Ideas of 1914) and focus on 
an unreality, Heidegger as the prototype of Nazism.  

Faye’s arguments have a certain plausibility, but  he goes too far in blaming 
Heidegger for Hitler and the Holocaust.  Heidegger was influenced by the ideas 
of 1914 and as enowning says above, by Spengler, “who was probably the most 
influential intellectual of the 20s.”  That is where we should be looking, not 
way out at the end of the argument that resulted in Hitler and his holocaust.  
And not as though Heidegger sprang full-grown without antecedents.  

But am I then saying that Heidegger should be excused because he wasn’t the 
true creator of the political philosophy that led to Hitler?  I hope I am not 
saying that.  I don’t intend to.  Heidegger should be blamed, or at least 
disagreed with, but let’s do it for the correct reasons.  He embraced a 
political philosophy that was as fully experimental as Marxism.  Heidegger 
should be faulted, just as we should fault the Russian Communists for believing 
too long in their ideal.  He and they were on the wrong track.  Their 
experiments failed and we should learn lessons from those failures.  

Communism and National Socialism were begun by idealists.  Not all were, but 
some were, the most interesting intellectuals were, and Heidegger was one of 
those.  He believed in the ideal.  What we should look for (rather than the 
things Faye seems to be looking for) is the point when Heidegger should have 
known that National Socialism was a failed experiment.  Perhaps he realized 
that during the war, but if so what must his thoughts have been and what 
conclusions could he have drawn?  He would still have believed that Capitalism 
was a dead end (Spengler probably convinced him of that); so what were his 
choices?  He may have thought Communism (a political philosophy he opposed as 
strongly as he opposed Liberal Democracy) was going to win out.  Did this mean 
he should have turned to Communism as so many in France did?  He was an old and 
tired 56 when the war ended and not about to turn against all he had written 
and thought.

For, after all, did the Nazi-form of National Socialism (rather than the 
Spengler form) inform his philosophy?  Perhaps not.  Faye tells us that it did, 
but I don’t trust Faye’s grasp of logical argument.  For Faye there is only the 
one form of National Socialism and it isn’t the ideal that Thomas Carlyle and 
Oswold Spengler wrote about.  It was the form put into action by Adolf Hitler, 
and Heidegger was associated with it.  And therein lies the fault of Faye’s 
argument as I see it.  His form of argument is “Guilt by association,” which 
is, as arguments go, fallacious.  He can’t just say (to exaggerate only a 
little) “look at the Swastika on Heidegger’s arm, therefore his philosophy is 
shot through with Nazism.  He needs to prove the connection in Heidegger’s 
philosophy, and my impression from the sloppiness of argument I’ve seen thus 
far is that Faye isn’t up to it.

Lawrence Helm
www.lawrencehelm.com



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