[lit-ideas] Cardinals and the Legacy of H. P. Grice

  • From: Jlsperanza@xxxxxxx
  • To: lit-ideas@xxxxxxxxxxxxx
  • Date: Sat, 13 Jun 2009 22:36:55 EDT

There is a new book on Grice, "The Legacy of H.  P. Grice" with reference 
to 'cardinals'.

As Grice  noted,

"I want three  ice-creams"

is usually taken to implicate that the utterer wants  _exactly_ three 
icecreams.

"Henry VIII had five  wives"

and

"Joan Rivers is in her twenties"

are however  both _true_ (if otiose) --

for Henry VIII had eight wives (and you cannot  have 8 wives you haven't 
had 5 wives; and similarly Joan _is_ in her twenties  and scores more.

----

The mechanism is Gricean in  nature:

-- be as informative as is required

is a  generator of IMPLICATURE, not SENSE:"



Applying for a  pension  ---  only 'Puerto Ricans' (they are not citizens) 
with up to  4 children need apply':


QUESTION: How many children do you  have?
MAMMA:   4

It turns out she has 16, but she is _not_  lying.

Donal McEvoy will agree.


--- begin quoted  material

AUTHOR: Bultinck, Bert
TITLE: Numerous Meanings
SUBTITLE:  The Meaning of English Cardinals and the Legacy of Paul 
Grice
SERIES:  Current Research in the Semantics/Pragmatics Interface: 
Volume  15
PUBLISHER: Elsevier Ltd. 
YEAR: 2005
Announced at  http://linguistlist.org/issues/16/16-2481.html 

Rick Nouwen, Utrecht  Institute for Linguistics OTS, Utrecht University, 
The  Netherlands

OVERVIEW

The meaning of simple numeral expressions  like 'two', 'three', 'twenty-
seven' etc. has turned out to be one of the  most problematic issues 
within linguistic semantics and pragmatics. Part of  the problem is that 
there seem to be several candidates for 'the' meaning of  an English 
cardinal.  Numerals can be used in many ways, three of which  have 
been the focus of discussion in the pragmatic literature of the past  
thirty to thirty five years: 'two' as specifying exact cardinality, 'two' 
as  
specifying a lower bound and 'two' as specifying an upper bound.  
Bultinck's book 'numerous meanings' is an attempt at tackling the 
issue  by comparing the most influential theoretical trend of the past 
three  decades, the so-called neo-Gricean programme, with the results 
of an  extensive corpus study of numerals. The book contains a 
detailed discussion  of the legacy of Paul Grice's theory of 
conversation, with particular focus  on the repercussions for the 
analysis of English cardinals. It is argued  that the 'conventional' 
meaning of a numeral needs to be established by  means of a corpus 
analysis. As Bultinck subsequently aims to show, such an  analysis 
undermines the neo-Gricean assumption that numerals present a  
lower bound in their coded meaning.

CONTENTS

Bultinck starts  with an thorough discussion of Grice's original motives 
and proposals  (CHAPTER TWO). Crucial is the distinction between 
conventional meanings and  implicated meanings. Whereas the former 
are to be seen as the 'coded' or  'literal' meaning of an expression, the 
latter arise through inferences  licensed by the assumption that the 
speaker observes maxims on the quantity,  quality, relevance and 
manner of what (s)he says. Grice intended to keep the  semantics of 
expressions simple by showing that a single conventional  meaning 
could give rise to more than one meaning by means of conversational  
implicatures. The content of the conversational principles as well as  
their formalisation have subsequently been much debated and 
Bultinck  describes these developments in considerable detail. 

While acknowledging  the general success of Grice's theory and its 
offspring, Bultinck argues  that Grice's goal to combine a theory of 
conversation with the intention of  preserving the logical meaning of 
logical expressions is misguided. He  states that there is no 
methodological justification for taking the  conventional meaning of a 
logical natural language expression (like 'or',  'and', 'if...then') to be 
exactly that of their logical counterparts.  Bultinck associates what is 
conventional with what is familiar and therefore  argues that frequency 
data can help determine which meaning is more  conventional than 
others. 

In CHAPTER THREE, Bultinck continues his  discussion of Grice's 
legacy, but now focusing entirely on the literature on  numerals. Most 
attention goes to the neo-Gricean line of theories that is  
labeled 'minimalism' and that is inspired by Horn's 1972 notion 
of  'scalar implicature', a generalisation over phenomena where a weak 
item on a  scale implicates the negation of the stronger items. 
Minimalists argue that  if the numerous meanings displayed by 
numerals are to be explained by means  of conversational implicatures, 
then it must be the case that their coded  meanings line up in an 
entailment scale. So, numerals are thought to form an  entailment scale 
such that a sentence like ''two students came'' is entailed  by the 
stronger ''three students came''. By uttering ''two students came'',  the 
speaker therefore (potentially) implicates that the stronger alternative  
is false, thus arriving at the meaning ''exactly two students came''. The  
entailments are accounted for by assuming that the conventional 
meaning  of a numeral like 'two' is 'at least two'. In the following 
chapters  Bultinck aims at showing that his corpus data falsifies this 
line of  thinking, but in the theoretical discussion he also presents 
some  non-empirical counterarguments, most of which are familiar from 
the  literature. His most salient critique, however, is a repetition of the 
 
methodological critique he presented in chapter two. Bultinck argues  
that what Grice aimed at with his notion of conventional meaning was 
a  standard meaning. Bultinck proposes to identify conventional 
meaning with  ''familiar meaning''. Conventionality is thus equated with 
a relative high  level of frequency. He argues that this implies that 
conventional meanings  are frequent. The minimalist's choice for a 
conventional 'at least' meaning,  however, is not based on frequency at 
all. In fact, conventional meanings  are solely chosen on the basis of 
their potential for conversational  inferences.

In chapter three, there is furthermore a short discussion of  the 
underspecification account (Carston 1988), where the ''logical form'' of  
a numeral is underdetermined and can be enriched by specifying 
with 'at  least', 'at most', 'exactly' or even 'approximately'. Some other 
positions  (called 'marginal' by Bultinck), like those arguing for 
bilateral  
conventional meanings or ambiguity, are discussed as well.

In CHAPTER  FOUR, a ''general corpus analysis'' is discussed which 
aims at discovering  the different forms and functions of numerals. The 
analysis involves one  thousand occurrences of ''two'' from the British 
National Corpus. In chapter  five, Bultinck analyses the core meaning 
of numerals, namely the cardinal  one. Chapter four, however, is 
focused on a more general analysis which  aside from taking the 
syntactic form and function into account, focuses on  all possible ways 
of using a numeral. Apart from the core use of the  specification of 
cardinality, these include the numeral as a label, the  numeral as a 
temporal indicator and the numeral as a mathematical primitive.  
Bultinck isolates a wealth of variation in usages and discusses the  
underlying corpus data in great detail. He stresses that the data  
clearly demonstrate that it is a mistake to simply assume that the  
meaning of numerals can be reduced to a notion of cardinality. One 
clear  result of the analysis, however, is a correspondence between 
adnominal uses  and the expression of cardinality. Almost all 
adnominal numerals in some  sense express the cardinality of a group. 
Bultinck tries to come to a  hierarchy of numeral constructions in terms 
of the degree of cardinality  that is involved and concludes that ''the 
expression of cardinality is  clearly the most important function of 
'two''' 
(p. 153), followed by the  expression of measurement, which, as 
acknowledged by Bultinck, in many  respects involves cardinality as 
well.

In CHAPTER FIVE, a corpus  analysis is presented that focuses on 
what kind of meanings cardinal uses of  numerals display. It is this 
analysis that is supposed to contribute to the  issue of the conventional 
meaning of 'two'. Again, Bultinck refers to the  corpus method as ''the 
methodological outcome of [Grice's] theoretical  insights'' (p. 168).

Bultinck distinguishes four possible meanings (pp.  176,177): 
'''at least n': necessarily n + possibly more than n;
'at most  n': possibly n + not possible more than n;
'exactly n': necessarily n + not  possible more than n + not possible 
less than n''; and '''absolute value n':  non-modal, the group of 
elements denoted by the NP is determined as having n  elements''.

Crucial here is the assumption that the first three of these  meanings 
involve modal statements about cardinality. The 'absolute value n'  
meaning, on the other hand, is relatively simple. In fact, Bultinck  
maintains that it is 'cognitively' simple, since it refers to nothing more  
than cardinality of a group, and that the other interpretations are  
therefore in some sense marked. That is, the first three meanings 
make  what is said (understood in a non-Gricean way) about the 
cardinality much  more prominent than the 'absolute value' 
interpretation does. 

The  majority of occurrences of 'two' turn out to be either of 
the 'absolute  value'-type or of the 'exactly n'-type. Bultinck notices 
that 
the 'exactly  n' readings are mostly caused by definite markers. There 
are no findings in  the corpus of 'absolute value' uses with such 
markers. This observation also  serves to explain the distribution of the 
different usages over different  syntactic positions. For instance, the 
majority of direct objects contain  numerals of the 'absolute value' type, 
whereas the majority of numerals in  adverbial phrases are used 
as 'exactly n'. According to Bultinck this  distribution is simply a reflex 
of 
the attested fact that direct objects are  generally good candidates for 
introducing new topics, whereas it is less  likely that material in 
adverbial phrases is there to (existentially)  introduce a new referent.

In subject position, occurrences of 'two'  without definite markers are 
mostly 'absolute value' or 'exactly n'. But the  difference between these 
two usages is blurred. The trend is that subject  position indefinite 
numerals are less likely to allow for a subsequent  revision of the 
involved cardinality than object indefinite numerals.  Bultinck proposes 
that this is due to the fact that it is marked to use a  subject for the 
introducing of a new referent. The focused use of the  numeral hints at 
excluding the possibility of there being more than the 'n'  elements that 
are expressed. This means that there is a continuum from  'absolute 
value' to 'exactly n' meanings. In 'pure absolute value' use there  is a 
neutrality toward the possibility of there being more elements. This  
neutrality is reduced in subject position. A further finding supports this  
idea of a continuum. In predicative constructions (such as existential  
there sentences), most samples show the absolute value meaning of 
the  numeral. Bultinck's idea is that such constructions hardly change 
the  default 'absolute value' interpretation of the numeral. Although 
Bultinck is  careful not to present it as a clear result from his corpus 
research, he  hypothesises that the continuum from 'absolute value' 
to 'exactly n' is  paired with a scale of syntactic constructions, ranging 
from existential  there sentences, to objects, to subjects, to adverbials. 

The picture  emerging from this is one where a great multitude of 
factors influence the  'value interpretation' of a numeral. In particular, 
it 
seems generally the  case that when there is an 'exactly n' 
interpretation of the ''meaning  complex'' that contains the numeral, this 
meaning can be reduced to a  combination of the 'absolute value' 
meaning and the influence of other  co-textual factors. It follows 
that ''[the] 'absolute value' interpretation  is the starting-point for the 
interpretation of 'two''' (p. 225), or as  Bultinck concludes in chapter 
six, ''the conventional meaning (the ''coded  content'') of 'two' is 
the 'absolute value' meaning'' (p. 307).

The  corpus analysis shows that 'at least n' uses of numerals are 
highly  infrequent (3,9%). This, Bultinck claims, is highly problematic for 
the  neo-Griceans. In fact, the corpus analysis shows that the few 'at 
least'  uses that are found are all due to the co-occurrence with a 
linguistic  element and, in most cases, that element is 'at least'.

Another finding  from the corpus discredits the neo-Gricean account of 
numerals in another  way. One of the traditional arguments for 
assuming the 'at least n' meaning  to be conventional is that 
were 'exactly n' conventional, then it would be  redundant to combine 
the numeral with 'exactly'. It is not and hence, the  argument 
goes, 'exactly n' cannot be the coded meaning of 'n'. The corpus  
shows, however, some very clear facts about numeral modifiers 
(called  'restrictions' by Bultinck). The most common kind of 
modification is with  'at least' (44.8%), whereas combinations of 'two' 
with 'exactly' are  relatively rare at 9.5%. If the neo-Gricean argument 
holds, exactly the  reverse distribution of 'exactly' and 'at least' would 
be  expected.

CHAPTER SIX briefly sums up the results of Bultinck's work and  
repeats the general conclusions. 

CRITICAL EVALUATION

The  first half of the book is devoted to the discussion of the literature 
on  (neo-)Gricean implicatures in general and the pragmatics of 
numerals in  particular. A shorter discussion might have been more 
effective, since one  has to wait a long time for Bultinck's main feat, the 
discussion of his  corpus study of numerals (chapters four and five). 
Furthermore, the  literature discussion is often overly detailed and 
repetitive. For instance,  some of the arguments Bultinck discusses in 
the chapter on Gricean  pragmatics are repeated in both his discussion 
of the literature on numerals  and in the discussion of the corpus data. 
Nevertheless, it is certainly  admirable that Bultinck so successfully 
weaves together discussions from  linguistic pragmatics, corpus 
linguistics and cognitive linguistics.  Although tedious at some points, 
the many repetitions might actually  guarantee that this book is suitable 
for the broad audience it sets out to  reach.

A more serious problem is the fact that the discussion in chapters  two 
and three is in many ways dated. Browsing the references, one finds  
that the most recent literature that is being discussed dates from 2001  
(the book is published in 2005). Of course, many of the high points of  
the discussion of scalar implicatures can be traced back to the 1970s  
and 1980s, so it is perhaps not entirely unexpected to find mostly 
older  literature. However, in the past few years the study of 
implicatures and  numerals has flourished once again. Now, there is a 
wealth of new findings  and theoretic proposals (e.g. Geurts 1998, 
Chierchia 2002, Recanati 2003,  van Rooy and Schulz 2004). 
Furthermore, an increase in the interest of  psycholinguists into 
pragmatic issues has lead to a considerable amount of  empirical data 
challenging the traditional theoretic approaches to make more  precise 
predictions (see, for instance, Noveck 2001, Papafragou and  
Musolino 2003 and, especially, Musolino 2004). Unfortunately, such  
recent works are completely absent from Bultinck's discussions and  
arguments. This may be explained by the fact that this book, as I  
understand it, is a published version of Bultinck's dissertation which  
dates from 2001. Curiously, however, this fact is not mentioned in the  
book.

The main objective of Bultinck's corpus analysis seems to be to  
discredit the idea that numerals carry a conventional meaning that  
involves a lower bound. With this in mind, I think the three most  
relevant findings are: (A) the corpus is argued to display the  
infrequency of this alleged coded meaning; (B) the data suggest that  
there are 'numerous meanings' associated with English cardinals and 
that  these are less rigidly distributed than the neo-Gricean programme 
would have  it; and (C) the 'absolute value' meaning is the most basic 
one of these  numerous meanings.

It is not entirely clear to what extend Bultinck's 'at  least n' meaning 
corresponds to the lower bound conventional meaning  defended by 
the minimalists. I doubt whether the neo-Griceans really had a  modal 
coded meaning in mind. It is certainly not the case that the lower  
bound meaning necessarily involves modality. It is quite easy to 
imagine  a 'cognitively simple' lower bound analysis which simply 
describes the  cardinality of a group as being 'greater or equal than n'. 
In fact, such a  proposal comes very close to Bultinck's own 'absolute 
value' meaning. This  becomes clear from Bultinck's specification of the 
four candidate meanings.  The 'at least n' meaning is described 
as ''necessarily n + possibly more  then n'' (p. 176). Note that in this 
definition, one needs to assume that  the number symbol 'n' has a 
greater-or-equal reading itself. If the  cardinality of a group is 
necessarily 'n', how can it at the same time be  possible that this 
cardinality is 'more than n'? A formulation like this one  presupposes 
once again that numerals somehow line up in entailment scales.  It 
follows that the 'absolute value' meaning is really a lower bound  
meaning. Consequently, one could characterise Bultinck's proposal as  
minimalistic, except that the conversational implicatures have been  
replaced by co-textual factors that trigger modal cardinality  statements.

So how well does this proposal account for the data? The  'absolute 
value' meaning of numerals seems consistent with the data in the  
corpus. It is important, however, to explain in detail how the  
compositional meaning of numerals is defined, especially since these  
very meanings have turned out to be so remarkably deceptive.  
Unfortunately, the semantic processes Bultinck refers to are often not  
specified enough to assess how the sentential meanings are derived 
from  a single core lexical meaning. 

Nevertheless, 'numerous meanings'  contains a wealth of data and 
ideas that will stimulate the ongoing  discussion of the semantics of 
simplex and complex English numerals. Anyone  working on a linguistic 
topic that is somehow related to numeral meaning  will definitely find a 
lot to learn in this book, especially since  Bultinck's most important 
point, I feel, is not theoretical but  methodological. The data are much 
more varied and complex than the  neo-Gricean theories have 
assumed. On the basis of this, Bultinck argues  convincingly that it is a 
mistake to search for 'the' meaning of English  cardinals. 

---- end quoted material

J. L.  Speranza
Buenos Aires, Argentina  

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