[accessibleimage] Picture Perception and Interpretation

Greetings all,

Here, below and attached, is an article I found very interesting.  I am
attaching both a text version and a PDF version. I don't usually share PDF
versions of material because I find them often challenging to read myself
with my screen reader, so I often need to ask friends and colleagues to
convert them to text for me. Then, I don't see any reason why I should give
anyone else using a screen reader the difficulty if I already have the text
version.
But, in this instance, I am also sending the PDF because it has the actual
pictures referred to in the text. I think that those who can see the
pictures will appreciate having them to look at.

If you have already read this article, please excuse the repetition.

Enjoy,

Sylvie

Sylvie Kashdan, M.A.
Instructor/Curriculum Coordinator
KAIZEN PROGRAM for New English Learners with Visual Limitations
810-A Hiawatha Place South
Seattle, WA  98144, U.S.A.
phone:  (206) 784-5619
email:  kaizen@xxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxx
web:  http://www.nwlincs.org/kaizen/

Picture Perception and Interpretation among Preliterate Adults

by Christina Hvitfeldt

International Studies and Programs, University of Wisconsin

Passage, a journal of refugee education, Volume 1, Number 1, Winter-Spring,
1985, pages 27 through 30

An earlier version of this paper was delivered at the International
Symposium on Language and Linguistics held at Chiang Mai University,
Thailand, January 11-13, 1984.

Abstract.

Adults from traditional preliterate societies often perceive and interpret
drawings, pictures, and symbols differently from individuals socialized into
modern literate societies. When language and literacy programs for
traditional peoples are developed, the need for instruction in the learner's
second language often results in heavy reliance on drawings, pictures, and
symbols to communicate important concepts. This article presents a
discussion of some of the difficulties which arise when the symbolic
conventions of a modern literate society are used to communicate with
traditional groups of people.

End Abstract.

In many parts of the world, illiteracy is still the norm in traditional
tribal societies removed both geographically and socially from majority
cultures. In Thailand, for example, many of the Hmong, Lahu, Lisu, and Akha
hilltribe peoples continue to live in traditional preliterate societies in
remote mountain areas.

Inaccessibility is not the only barrier to the literacy education of these
groups, however. Even when government and private agencies manage to
overcome geographical problems or when large numbers of traditional people,
such as the Hmong, become part of a refugee resettlement program,
differences in both language and culture often inhibit the success of
functional literacy programs.

Differences in perception and learning between traditional preliterate
peoples and those socialized into modern literate cultures have long been
the subject of investigation by anthropologists and psychologists. Redfield
(1962) describes what he terms "primitive" cultures as both holistic and
concrete, perceiving the world around them in terms of general patterns and
specific known objects and events. "Modern" cultures, he contends, differ in
that they tend to be analytic rather than holistic and abstract rather than
concrete.

Witkin, Dyk, Faterson, Goodenough, and Karp (1962) interpret these
differences between traditional and modern societies in terms of perceptual
style. Individuals socialized into traditional societies tend toward
perception which is strongly dominated by the overall organization of the
surrounding field, the different parts of which are experienced as if they
were fused together. Individuals socialized into more modern societies tend
to perceive component parts as discrete from the organization of the whole.
Witkin and his associates contend that the development of perceptual style
is influenced by both sociocultural and environmental factors.

With more specific reference to processes of learning in traditional and
modern societies, Bruner (1965) suggests three modes of information
processing. The enactive mode involves learning through direct experience;
the iconic mode involves learning through observation and modeling; the
symbolic mode involves learning through symbolically coded experience.
Enactive learning is aided by the use of tools such as hammers, wheels, and
levers, while the iconic mode makes primary use of the five senses. The
symbolic mode, clearly more abstract, is aided by language, logic, and
mathematics. While traditional preliterate societies emphasize learning
through the enactive and iconic modes, modern literate societies emphasize
that which takes place through the symbolic mode.

If traditional preliterate societies make use of perceptual and learning
strategies which differ significantly from those common to modern literate
societies, such differences must obviously be taken into account when
literacy programs aimed at traditional peoples are developed. Often, the
success of such programs is complicated by the fact that traditional tribal
groups often do not speak the language of the majority culture competently.

Page 28

This results in heavy reliance upon drawings, pictures, and other symbols to
communicate important concepts. This paper will outline some of the
difficulties which arise when the symbolic conventions of a modern literate
culture are used to communicate with traditional preliterate people.

Central to this discussion is the fact that pictures can be either iconic or
symbolic. Iconic pictures attempt to depict reality directly; symbolic
pictures make use of arbitrary conventions which must be learned. An example
of each is found in the international sign which indicates that smoking is
not allowed--a red circle enclosing a picture of a lighted cigarette
bisected with a slanting line. The picture of the cigarette is an iconic
representation; the slanted line indicating that smoking is not permitted is
a culturally learned symbolic representation.

Iconic pictures and drawings can be used successfully with preliterate
groups once some familiarity with the use of pictures is established.
Symbolic pictures, however, are likely to be misinterpreted unless attempts
are made to explain the meanings of the arbitrary pictorial conventions
which are used. Learning to interpret symbolic pictures is in this way
analogous to interpreting written language and, in some cases, involves as
high a degree of abstraction.

The functions of pictorial communication parallel those of language in
significant, yet limited, ways. Like nouns, pictures can depict concrete
objects; unlike language, they cannot depict directly such abstract concepts
as "freedom." Like adjectives, pictures can communicate qualities such as
"tall" which can be seen directly; unlike language, they cannot depict
abstract qualities such as "intelligent." Like verbs, pictures can depict
states of being, such as in "The man is sleeping." Actions, however, are
difficult to depict. Lines of motion and direction are often used to
indicate action, but these are arbitrary conventions which are likely to be
misinterpreted by preliterate people who have had little experience with the
interpretation of symbols. In the same way, verb tenses and negation are
difficult to depict pictorially without recourse to arbitrary symbols.

Like prepositions, pictures can depict relational concepts such as "above,"
"below," "inside," and "outside," but cues of depth, including overlap,
perspective, and relative size, must often be provided. Such cues are
commonly misinterpreted or ignored by people with little experience in
picture interpretation.

Pictures, whether drawings or photographs, can be considered on a continuum
from iconic to symbolic. Pictures which lie at the iconic end of the
continuum can generally be perceived directly; those which lie toward the
symbolic end require interpretation that goes beyond what can be directly
perceived and demand a higher level of abstraction.

Hudson (1960), in an attempt to determine whether the perception of depth in
pictures is spontaneous or learned, used outline drawings of familiar scenes
to test the depth perception of literate and nonliterate groups of subjects
in South Africa. Hudson's results revealed that nonliterate adult subjects
tended to interpret the pictures as flat rather than three dimensional,
perceiving the outline of a hill as a path or a river and horizon lines as
poles or elephant traps. This seems to suggest that the subjects used their
own experience and cultural knowledge to help them make sense of the
pictures.

Clearly, pictures which can be directly perceived by preliterate adults can
be used to great advantage in literacy and development programs. Pictures
which require perceptual skills that are beyond the experience and
competence of participants, however, can actually undermine effective
communication.

In many parts of the developing world, language and literacy materials aimed
specifically at traditional preliterate peoples in remote areas are still at
the planning stage. Thailand's Department of Non-formal Education has
devised a series of Thai readers for hilltribe adults which use black and
white photographs that can generally be perceived directly, although the
quality of the photography and printing sometimes interferes with
interpretation. Other materials, particularly those produced for health and
nutrition education, make liberal use of unrealistic cartoons and symbolic
conventions.

page 29

A lesson on dishwashing (Figure 1), used with preliterate villagers, uses a
chef's hat to indicate kitchen work, a disembodied hand to illustrate that
directions will follow, shading to indicate that the pan is filled with
water, curved lines and circles to suggest soap bubbles, arrows to show
progression through a series of steps, and a smiling cartoon sun to show
that the plates should be dried in the sunshine--all of which are likely to
cause interpretive problems.

In addition to some government efforts aimed at tribal groups within
national boundaries, teaching materials geared specifically to the needs of
preliterate adults preparing for resettlement in modern literate societies
are being developed in Indochinese refugee camps in Thailand, the
Philippines, and Indonesia. Produced by private agencies, international
organizations, aid programs, and individual instructors, such materials
often attempt to prepare participants for a new lifestyle by presenting the
objects and activities of modern literate culture through pictures.

Figure 2 is from a series of pictures depicting the use of a vending
machine. Although first-language explanations may help to clarify the
machine's purpose, many of the symbolic conventions used in the
illustrations are likely to be misinterpreted or ignored. The dotted bubble
representing thought, the straight dotted line indicating line of vision,
and the circle representing a solid coin will need to be explained. Clearly,
decisions need to be made as to how much time should be devoted to
explanations of pictures that cannot be directly perceived. Although some of
the more basic pictorial conventions might well be taught, time spent
helping preliterate adults to interpret highly abstract representations
might be better spent in basic reading and writing instruction.

Even such simple drawing techniques as the use of stick figures to represent
people may cause problems in interpretation for preliterate adults. A group
of Hmong in one refugee camp, having worked with cultural orientation
materials in which cartoon stick figures were used, announced that they were
no longer interested in being resettled in the United States. Subsequent
discussion revealed that they were unwilling to go to a country where the
people were obviously starving.

The resettlement of many preliterate Indochinese adults in North America has
resulted in a profusion of publications intended for use in basic language
and literacy classes. This writer's study of Hmong classroom behavior (1982)
indicates that many of the illustrations featured in these basic-level
materials make use of abstractions which preliterate adults are unable to
interpret.

Figure 3 is an illustration from a beginning-level language and literacy
text marketed specifically for Indochinese refugee adults. The drawing is
intended to convey the idea that distance from the speaker determines the
choice of the word "this" or "that." Hmong adults, however, perceived only
that the coffee cup was large and the tea cup was small. None of the
students perceived the tea cup as further away than the coffee cup, making
the illustration valueless as an explanation of the conceptual basis for the
choice of the word "this" or "that."

page 30

In a picture text widely used with preliterate adults, a lesson on opposites
makes use of paired drawings such as those in Figure 4. When asked to tell
how the pictures were opposite, Hmong adults suggested that the glass in
drawing (a) was white and the glass in drawing (b) was black. When it was
pointed out that there might be another way in which the drawings were
opposite, one of the students suggested that the glass in (a) was clean and
the glass in (b) was dirty. The use of shading to indicate contents is
clearly an abstract convention that is not perceived directly.

Another text indicated for use with adult refugees makes use of a series of
drawings in a lesson on illness (Figure 5). Hmong adults, unfamiliar with
the conventions used to indicate pain and movement, were unable to interpret
many of the drawings. The lesson is only one of many where iconic drawings,
easily understood by preliterate adults, are made uninterpretable through
the use of symbolic conventions with which the students are unfamiliar.

Like the acquisition of literacy skills, the interpretation of symbolic
pictures and drawings requires a kind of perception that goes beyond what
can be seen directly. Although iconic pictures can be used effectively to
facilitate the learning of both language and literacy, arbitrary symbolic
representations may in fact be as abstract as print itself and may only
serve to complicate an already difficult task.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENT

The author would like to thank Ms. Evelyn Knapp of Sillpakorn University,
Thailand, for her contributions--both pictorial and anecdotal--to the
revision of this paper.

REFERENCES

Bruner, J. 1965. The growth of mind. American Psychologist 20 (12):
1007-1017.

Hudson, W. 1960. Pictorial depth perception in sub-cultural groups in
Africa, Journal of Social Psychology, 52: 183-208.

Hvitfeldt, C. 1982. Learning language and literacy; a microethnographic
study of Hmong classroom behavior. Unpublished doctoral dissertation,
University of Wisconsin.

Redfield, R. 1962. Human nature and the study of society: the papers of
Robert Redfield. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Witkin, H., R.B. Dyk,
H.F. Faterson, D.R. Goodenough & S.A. Karp, 1962. Psychological
differentiation. New York: John Wiley and Sons.

From English for Adult Competency, Book I. Leann Howard, Autumn Keltner, and
Frances Lee. Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey. Prentice Hall, Inc., 1981, p. 54.
Reprinted by permission.

Christina Hvitfeldt has taught ESL and done teacher training in the United
States, Africa, and Asia. She received an MA in English linguistics and a
PhD in adult education from the University of Wisconsin at Madison, where
she developed a special interest in the learning strategies of adults from
preliterate societies. She was able to pursue this interest during a
two-year appointment at Chiang Mai University in Thailand, where she visited
hilltribe villages and refugee centers throughout the country. This article
stems from her experience with preliterate adults in both the United States
and Asia.



Picture Perception and Interpretation among Preliterate Adults

by Christina Hvitfeldt

International Studies and Programs, University of Wisconsin

Passage, a journal of refugee education, Volume 1, Number 1, Winter-Spring, 
1985, pages 27 through 30

An earlier version of this paper was delivered at the International Symposium 
on Language and Linguistics held at Chiang Mai University, Thailand, January 
11-13, 1984.

Abstract.

Adults from traditional preliterate societies often perceive and interpret 
drawings, pictures, and symbols differently from individuals socialized into 
modern literate societies. When language and literacy programs for traditional 
peoples are developed, the need for instruction in the learner's second 
language often results in heavy reliance on drawings, pictures, and symbols to 
communicate important concepts. This article presents a discussion of some of 
the difficulties which arise when the symbolic conventions of a modern literate 
society are used to communicate with traditional groups of people.

End Abstract.

In many parts of the world, illiteracy is still the norm in traditional tribal 
societies removed both geographically and socially from majority cultures. In 
Thailand, for example, many of the Hmong, Lahu, Lisu, and Akha hilltribe 
peoples continue to live in traditional preliterate societies in remote 
mountain areas.

Inaccessibility is not the only barrier to the literacy education of these 
groups, however. Even when government and private agencies manage to overcome 
geographical problems or when large numbers of traditional people, such as the 
Hmong, become part of a refugee resettlement program, differences in both 
language and culture often inhibit the success of functional literacy programs.

Differences in perception and learning between traditional preliterate peoples 
and those socialized into modern literate cultures have long been the subject 
of investigation by anthropologists and psychologists. Redfield (1962) 
describes what he terms "primitive" cultures as both holistic and concrete, 
perceiving the world around them in terms of general patterns and specific 
known objects and events. "Modern" cultures, he contends, differ in that they 
tend to be analytic rather than holistic and abstract rather than concrete.

Witkin, Dyk, Faterson, Goodenough, and Karp (1962) interpret these differences 
between traditional and modern societies in terms of perceptual style. 
Individuals socialized into traditional societies tend toward perception which 
is strongly dominated by the overall organization of the surrounding field, the 
different parts of which are experienced as if they were fused together. 
Individuals socialized into more modern societies tend to perceive component 
parts as discrete from the organization of the whole. Witkin and his associates 
contend that the development of perceptual style is influenced by both 
sociocultural and environmental factors.

With more specific reference to processes of learning in traditional and modern 
societies, Bruner (1965) suggests three modes of information processing. The 
enactive mode involves learning through direct experience; the iconic mode 
involves learning through observation and modeling; the symbolic mode involves 
learning through symbolically coded experience. Enactive learning is aided by 
the use of tools such as hammers, wheels, and levers, while the iconic mode 
makes primary use of the five senses. The symbolic mode, clearly more abstract, 
is aided by language, logic, and mathematics. While traditional preliterate 
societies emphasize learning through the enactive and iconic modes, modern 
literate societies emphasize that which takes place through the symbolic mode.

If traditional preliterate societies make use of perceptual and learning 
strategies which differ significantly from those common to modern literate 
societies, such differences must obviously be taken into account when literacy 
programs aimed at traditional peoples are developed. Often, the success of such 
programs is complicated by the fact that traditional tribal groups often do not 
speak the language of the majority culture competently.

Page 28 

This results in heavy reliance upon drawings, pictures, and other symbols to 
communicate important concepts. This paper will outline some of the 
difficulties which arise when the symbolic conventions of a modern literate 
culture are used to communicate with traditional preliterate people.

Central to this discussion is the fact that pictures can be either iconic or 
symbolic. Iconic pictures attempt to depict reality directly; symbolic pictures 
make use of arbitrary conventions which must be learned. An example of each is 
found in the international sign which indicates that smoking is not allowed--a 
red circle enclosing a picture of a lighted cigarette bisected with a slanting 
line. The picture of the cigarette is an iconic representation; the slanted 
line indicating that smoking is not permitted is a culturally learned symbolic 
representation.

Iconic pictures and drawings can be used successfully with preliterate groups 
once some familiarity with the use of pictures is established. Symbolic 
pictures, however, are likely to be misinterpreted unless attempts are made to 
explain the meanings of the arbitrary pictorial conventions which are used. 
Learning to interpret symbolic pictures is in this way analogous to 
interpreting written language and, in some cases, involves as high a degree of 
abstraction.

The functions of pictorial communication parallel those of language in 
significant, yet limited, ways. Like nouns, pictures can depict concrete 
objects; unlike language, they cannot depict directly such abstract concepts as 
"freedom." Like adjectives, pictures can communicate qualities such as "tall" 
which can be seen directly; unlike language, they cannot depict abstract 
qualities such as "intelligent." Like verbs, pictures can depict states of 
being, such as in "The man is sleeping." Actions, however, are difficult to 
depict. Lines of motion and direction are often used to indicate action, but 
these are arbitrary conventions which are likely to be misinterpreted by 
preliterate people who have had little experience with the interpretation of 
symbols. In the same way, verb tenses and negation are difficult to depict 
pictorially without recourse to arbitrary symbols.

Like prepositions, pictures can depict relational concepts such as "above," 
"below," "inside," and "outside," but cues of depth, including overlap, 
perspective, and relative size, must often be provided. Such cues are commonly 
misinterpreted or ignored by people with little experience in picture 
interpretation.

Pictures, whether drawings or photographs, can be considered on a continuum 
from iconic to symbolic. Pictures which lie at the iconic end of the continuum 
can generally be perceived directly; those which lie toward the symbolic end 
require interpretation that goes beyond what can be directly perceived and 
demand a higher level of abstraction.

Hudson (1960), in an attempt to determine whether the perception of depth in 
pictures is spontaneous or learned, used outline drawings of familiar scenes to 
test the depth perception of literate and nonliterate groups of subjects in 
South Africa. Hudson's results revealed that nonliterate adult subjects tended 
to interpret the pictures as flat rather than three dimensional, perceiving the 
outline of a hill as a path or a river and horizon lines as poles or elephant 
traps. This seems to suggest that the subjects used their own experience and 
cultural knowledge to help them make sense of the pictures.

Clearly, pictures which can be directly perceived by preliterate adults can be 
used to great advantage in literacy and development programs. Pictures which 
require perceptual skills that are beyond the experience and competence of 
participants, however, can actually undermine effective communication.

In many parts of the developing world, language and literacy materials aimed 
specifically at traditional preliterate peoples in remote areas are still at 
the planning stage. Thailand's Department of Non-formal Education has devised a 
series of Thai readers for hilltribe adults which use black and white 
photographs that can generally be perceived directly, although the quality of 
the photography and printing sometimes interferes with interpretation. Other 
materials, particularly those produced for health and nutrition education, make 
liberal use of unrealistic cartoons and symbolic conventions.

page 29

A lesson on dishwashing (Figure 1), used with preliterate villagers, uses a 
chef's hat to indicate kitchen work, a disembodied hand to illustrate that 
directions will follow, shading to indicate that the pan is filled with water, 
curved lines and circles to suggest soap bubbles, arrows to show progression 
through a series of steps, and a smiling cartoon sun to show that the plates 
should be dried in the sunshine--all of which are likely to cause interpretive 
problems.

In addition to some government efforts aimed at tribal groups within national 
boundaries, teaching materials geared specifically to the needs of preliterate 
adults preparing for resettlement in modern literate societies are being 
developed in Indochinese refugee camps in Thailand, the Philippines, and 
Indonesia. Produced by private agencies, international organizations, aid 
programs, and individual instructors, such materials often attempt to prepare 
participants for a new lifestyle by presenting the objects and activities of 
modern literate culture through pictures.

Figure 2 is from a series of pictures depicting the use of a vending machine. 
Although first-language explanations may help to clarify the machine's purpose, 
many of the symbolic conventions used in the illustrations are likely to be 
misinterpreted or ignored. The dotted bubble representing thought, the straight 
dotted line indicating line of vision, and the circle representing a solid coin 
will need to be explained. Clearly, decisions need to be made as to how much 
time should be devoted to explanations of pictures that cannot be directly 
perceived. Although some of the more basic pictorial conventions might well be 
taught, time spent helping preliterate adults to interpret highly abstract 
representations might be better spent in basic reading and writing instruction.

Even such simple drawing techniques as the use of stick figures to represent 
people may cause problems in interpretation for preliterate adults. A group of 
Hmong in one refugee camp, having worked with cultural orientation materials in 
which cartoon stick figures were used, announced that they were no longer 
interested in being resettled in the United States. Subsequent discussion 
revealed that they were unwilling to go to a country where the people were 
obviously starving.

The resettlement of many preliterate Indochinese adults in North America has 
resulted in a profusion of publications intended for use in basic language and 
literacy classes. This writer's study of Hmong classroom behavior (1982) 
indicates that many of the illustrations featured in these basic-level 
materials make use of abstractions which preliterate adults are unable to 
interpret.

Figure 3 is an illustration from a beginning-level language and literacy text 
marketed specifically for Indochinese refugee adults. The drawing is intended 
to convey the idea that distance from the speaker determines the choice of the 
word "this" or "that." Hmong adults, however, perceived only that the coffee 
cup was large and the tea cup was small. None of the students perceived the tea 
cup as further away than the coffee cup, making the illustration valueless as 
an explanation of the conceptual basis for the choice of the word "this" or 
"that."

page 30

In a picture text widely used with preliterate adults, a lesson on opposites 
makes use of paired drawings such as those in Figure 4. When asked to tell how 
the pictures were opposite, Hmong adults suggested that the glass in drawing 
(a) was white and the glass in drawing (b) was black. When it was pointed out 
that there might be another way in which the drawings were opposite, one of the 
students suggested that the glass in (a) was clean and the glass in (b) was 
dirty. The use of shading to indicate contents is clearly an abstract 
convention that is not perceived directly.

Another text indicated for use with adult refugees makes use of a series of 
drawings in a lesson on illness (Figure 5). Hmong adults, unfamiliar with the 
conventions used to indicate pain and movement, were unable to interpret many 
of the drawings. The lesson is only one of many where iconic drawings, easily 
understood by preliterate adults, are made uninterpretable through the use of 
symbolic conventions with which the students are unfamiliar.

Like the acquisition of literacy skills, the interpretation of symbolic 
pictures and drawings requires a kind of perception that goes beyond what can 
be seen directly. Although iconic pictures can be used effectively to 
facilitate the learning of both language and literacy, arbitrary symbolic 
representations may in fact be as abstract as print itself and may only serve 
to complicate an already difficult task.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENT

The author would like to thank Ms. Evelyn Knapp of Sillpakorn University, 
Thailand, for her contributions--both pictorial and anecdotal--to the revision 
of this paper.

REFERENCES

Bruner, J. 1965. The growth of mind. American Psychologist 20 (12): 1007-1017.

Hudson, W. 1960. Pictorial depth perception in sub-cultural groups in Africa, 
Journal of Social Psychology, 52: 183-208.

Hvitfeldt, C. 1982. Learning language and literacy; a microethnographic study 
of Hmong classroom behavior. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, University of 
Wisconsin.

Redfield, R. 1962. Human nature and the study of society: the papers of Robert 
Redfield. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Witkin, H., R.B. Dyk, H.F. 
Faterson, D.R. Goodenough & S.A. Karp, 1962. Psychological differentiation. New 
York: John Wiley and Sons.

From English for Adult Competency, Book I. Leann Howard, Autumn Keltner, and 
Frances Lee. Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey. Prentice Hall, Inc., 1981, p. 54. 
Reprinted by permission.

Christina Hvitfeldt has taught ESL and done teacher training in the United 
States, Africa, and Asia. She received an MA in English linguistics and a PhD 
in adult education from the University of Wisconsin at Madison, where she 
developed a special interest in the learning strategies of adults from 
preliterate societies. She was able to pursue this interest during a two-year 
appointment at Chiang Mai University in Thailand, where she visited hilltribe 
villages and refugee centers throughout the country. This article stems from 
her experience with preliterate adults in both the United States and Asia.

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